The Black Scholar

Journal of Black Studies and Research

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Modern Griots Interviews: Louis Chude-Sokei [TBS Editor-in-Chief] Part 2

February 25, 2016

This post originally appeared on Futuristically Ancient

“…What will matter in the long term is the impact we have on the (Sci-fi) genre itself, not on its packaging or clichés…”

4) Science fiction and fantasy have in the past been centered around European/Western stories and tropes and even in Afrofuturism, it was promoted previously as mostly Western/U.S.-centric. Briefly, how do you see Caribbean cultures, African cultures and other cultures around the world as early incubators, already exploring those ideas of science fiction, fantasy and futurism? Why is it important to explore those ideas in these cultures?

Science Fiction (SF) itself was produced directly by the response to slavery and colonialism in England and America. This is a fact. Therefore SF has always had within its DNA racial, colonial and sexual concerns—so its a mistake to see the genre as either “white” or “Western” or “European” since all of those categories depend on slavery and colonialism and, of course, industrialization. As such it isn’t necessarily anything-“centric,” though the modern history of SF hasn’t been as good as it should be about making all of this clear, hence the necessary interruption that is Afrofuturism as well as the explosion of global SF.

The reason SF has such heavily metaphoric resonances with blacks, women, minorities and immigrants is specifically because those groups generated the need for SF in the first place–as a metaphor for material tensions and cultural anxieties! That’s why I’ve never felt the need to claim SF/Fantasy or remake its genres in my cultural image: they emerge from that image or fears of it in the first place. Race and sex are already primary incubators of SF.

Bringing all of this to light in the early history of the genre and tracing it throughout contemporary SF has been a real obligation for me because too much black thinking about SF deeply misunderstands SF itself, and too many misrepresentations of the genre are at the core of Afrofuturism.

This all being said, Caribbean and African and Asian, Latin American and Russian cultures have been present in SF from before Afrofuturism, though admittedly there haven’t been as many writers of color on the scene as there are today. SF being a conduit for myth and history, it is inevitable that folks will use it as a technique of historical interrogation and as a method of generating new types of imaginations coming from distinct cultural and historical frameworks. There really is nothing special about that.

As to the importance and value of what they are bringing to it—well for me as a hardcore genre enthusiast, it depends on the quality of the work but I know that many people of color only pay attention to something if it’s festooned with “cultural” or “ethnic” symbols or if it exploits nakedly identitarian signifiers. What will matter in the long term is the impact we have on the genre itself, not on its packaging or clichés.

“…”And the robot—as my book maps—is historically connected to the minstrel, with the cyborg being a more scientifically accurate and historically sensitive image of hybridity, mixture and creolization…”

5) I have been developing an interest in trickster/cyborg mythology that I see in works like Ellison’s Invisible Man. Do you see trickster archetype as giving a context to your work? Did trickster stories influence you in any way?

Well, this is at the core of my work on Bert Williams and Jamaican theorist Sylvia Wynter, which came via Ralph Ellison who said exactly this: the blackface minstrel is a trickster! That’s why the minstrel continues to offend, hurt and befuddle! Blackface is how the trickster makes it into modernism and into contemporary popular culture—the mask, the two-facedness, the laughing instead of crying, the dancing and singing, the joke at the core of an American fantasy of freedom, the double-voicedness, the looking backwards and forwards at the same time (ancient and future), the ambiguity of dominance and submission, joy and pain, and the destabilizing of norms and the fluctuating of identity.

And the robot—as my book maps—is historically connected to the minstrel, with the cyborg being a more scientifically accurate and historically sensitive image of hybridity, mixture and creolization.

However, what we forget about the trickster—or don’t fully appreciate—is that the trickster “fools” everyone and isn’t on anyone’s “side.” Tricksters are as much a symbol of the oppressed as they are a sign of the pleasures of power, as much the hustler as the hustled. They cannot be claimed or contained by any ideology, even those of resistance because tricksters are anarchic figures, pure chaos with creased slacks and a crooked smile. Tricksters disrupt, not just other people but also us and certainly you and me.

“…the equally long-standing intimacy between blacks and music must be read and heard as having always been about our engaging technology. It’s not just about lyrics and rhythm, it’s been about informatics…”

6) What would you like readers to take away from reading Sound of Culture?

First, the long-standing intimacy between race and technology, and black peoples and Science Fiction — the genre hasn’t just become amenable to our rapprochement due to Afrofuturism, it was founded on the tensions and anxieties of the modern world: slavery, colonialism and industrialization, which is to say, race, Diaspora and technology. Science Fiction was and continues to be the primary space for dealing with these questions, it’s just that not enough of us have been sensitive enough to its meanings and are still slow to acknowledge its implications (don’t blame the genre, blame your reading of it).

Second, that the equally long-standing intimacy between blacks and music must be read and heard as having always been about our engaging technology. It’s not just about lyrics and rhythm, it’s been about informatics.

And finally, that if we are really interested in the future, truly committed to a realm of open possibility, then we will have to embark on a fundamental reimagining of our sense of community that might threaten our current political priorities. There is great risk in that and black folks need to take that risk urgently. I’ll leave this last point enigmatic and point to the book for clarity (though if you hate theory/criticism you probably won’t find enough clarity at all in it but I won’t apologize for that).

7) Since my blog is Futuristically Ancient, do you see your work as both ancient and futuristic? If yes, how so?

My work is ancient in that it’s committed to the crusty, dusty and dangerous corners of the global historical archive—parts that many of us would rather shun because they don’t suit a contemporary political urge or popular therapeutic narrative. The past isn’t there to make you feel good about yourself, though the struggle with it can do precisely that; but that’s not the point.

It’s futuristic because it looks and listens through the detritus of history for things and tools that we have ignored or hidden and that can be only valued in the wake of our current cultural habits and political conventions. It’s focused on that next shit: sounds, words and images fueled by a commitment to bastardization, cultural appropriation and heresy, and disciplined by material history, actual facts and a faith in the knowledge that even the things we’ve fought the hardest for—like our identities—are temporary.

As Ellison said, even skin too must eventually be shed.

Watch the trailer for The Sound of Culture below and buy a copy here!

Filed Under: Interview

On Making Issue 46.1, with Tara A. Willis and Thomas F. DeFrantz

February 10, 2016

Tara Aisha Willis: This special issue, Black Moves: New Research in Black Dance Studies, was your brainchild, one a few different publication projects coming out of the Collegium for African Diaspora Dance (CADD) consortium conference in 2014. I’m interested in hearing about the significance of having these pieces come out in this format, at this moment, and in TBS.

Thomas F. DeFrantz: First, let’s talk about collective action. I was trained at a time, back in the 90s, when we thought carefully about minoritarian action as being resistant and collective. I still abide by those ways of thinking. So, I don’t think of these projects as being initiated by me or coming from a single place. When we decided to form CADD, the idea at that moment was, “Let’s see what it could be.” Astonishingly, when the conference happened, it was clear that there were lots of ideas circulating that didn’t have a way to reach a larger public. We realized we should think about publication. The field could use more written documents, or different kinds of histories or theorizations, that can be circulated. These publications come from that abundance of new research that was emerging. So, this feels like a collective action. You and I are doing the editorial work here, but even that’s collective. We’re working together because we thought it would be an interesting thing to do across generations.

“Generations” always seems funny to me because, as we mature, we start to understand that it’s about differences. We start our conversations from different perspectives even though we’re currently sharing a journey. Where are you in your research and how do you feel it being mobilized by age, cycle of life, or your work as an artist? How does it work in a larger frame of black dance studies as you understand it?

TAW: I feel so thrilled to have your mentorship while I’m in the middle of my degree. I’m finishing my prospectus this week, and preparing to teach for the first time. Through this editorial process I’ve come of age, in terms of figuring out what I’m doing within my doctorate. Working at The Drama Review and being involved with Women & Performance I’ve gotten to see the other side of making a special issue. But having your guidance in how to be a guest editor—that more curatorial role of caring for the articles in a one-on-one way with authors—has been a really unique experience amongst my peers. I think it’s exemplary of the CADD community, which is at an intersection of two fields, dance studies and black studies, where we’re always the one in the room representing. CADD felt like an incredibly joyful reunion of family I’d never met before—even though I didn’t know many people at the conference, my research is really different from a lot of the scholars there, and I had many debates with people over the course of the weekend. It felt overwhelmingly like we’re in such a crucial position, being there in a room with the relatively small contingency of people doing the same kind of work, caring about the same ideas, people, and cultural forms.

I think that intergenerational work is exemplary of the black dance studies community. We have to stick together because so often, away from the conference, we have to stand alone in our departments. We can really support each other, bring up the next generation, and not be afraid to find mentorship where it exists.

TFD: For me it’s also about being willing to not know and to learn. These are actually pretty terrific feminist/womynist politics to engage. Working with researchers who are still in graduate school or just out, I learn so much about how the world feels in different keys. On the other side of getting a job, or on the other side of tenure, things keep changing. The river Styx keeps taking you and showing you new landscapes. If you stay on the route of an academic career—or you don’t, it doesn’t matter—as I did, you stay in this space that keeps changing. By working with you I get to hear about new or different questions, or rethink questions with more care and particularity. It’s an opportunity to work across differences.

Our issue is subtitled New Research in Black Dance Studies. This idea of “new” is something we tend to be skeptical of. What’s really new or current? What’s old? Maybe we don’t want to think in terms of linear time. That said, many of the pieces in this issue are by folx offering up an originary research manifesto to their larger projects.

TAW: They’re each bringing different pieces of black dance studies to the table, which is really significant because it’s very new for TBS to publish so much dance research. It was important for us to bring together pieces that are very different from each other, that are working in different methodologies. We have archival research, historic, ethnographic, the pedagogy piece, and dance and performance theory. All are looking at “black moves” in different places, cultural contexts, and times. I think we’re very conscious of creating a holistic issue that’s bringing the richness of the conference and the field to bear on the larger black studies conversation.

TFD: We also know as artists these various methodologies that we think of as separate are all present and constantly competing; all these things are happening at the same time in bits and pieces. When I dance, the variety of methods, starting places, or ways to think about analysis or creativity are all simultaneously present. So, I’m working through being born in Indianapolis but moving to San Francisco, in an ethnographic way. I’m working through theories of representation: who do I think is in the audience, and how do I think they’re seeing me, and what do I want to resist? I’m working through technique and what my teachers taught me or reminded me of, what I know about my body and what I can or can’t do, or how I can maybe stretch that. I’m working through family history. I’m working through my spiritual self—Christian or not—and how it relates to spiritual practice, whether that’s a memory of someone else’s spirit or my own sense of ecstasy or deliverance that I can manufacture or recycle through my body. I feel our issue tries to remind us not that you can work in these different directions, but that these different ways of being are constantly implicated in our creative lives.

TAW: That’s a beautiful way of putting it. The issue as a whole is illustrating—is performing, is dancing—what already exists in the moment of movement, of black movement in particular. My favorite word is reverence, instead of spiritual. I think of it in terms of scholarly work, this citational practice we’re always engaged in: looking back to produce something in the moment, and for others to use in the future. Again, to stay out of linear time, we can think of that in a circular way. Reverence allows us to revere things that already exist, but it refers to this present moment action. It has a physical manifestation, a spiritual manifestation, and intellectual and emotional ones as well. The conference these pieces come out of, the writing these researchers are doing, and the editorial project are all a kind of reverence for the field, the performances, and black moves.

I was just reading the “Blacking Queer Dance” piece you wrote in 2002, and you ask, “But what about dance studies and black studies? Why do these areas consistently disconnect?” (104). I think this special issue is an inroad into that question. In the introduction we wrote, “…the capacities of Black Studies to accommodate nuanced, careful discussions of dance as a site and symptom of historical, contemporary, and future modes of black life.” Black dance studies has the capacity to consider dance, corporeality, and movement in a nuanced way in order to get into black life more richly. That’s what the issue is performing, dancing.

TFD: This idea of “symptom” is interesting. With the three publications coming from that first conference—and CADD is having its next conference in February 2016—it seems to me that there’s a wealth of material now finding its way into different publics. By the time we get through editing—and anybody who’s edited knows it’s hard work—and are able to say, “Here’s what we made. We hope you’ll be able to engage it, that something else is possible because the information is available,” the information is already circulating. It’s in the dances, in the way these seven researchers are thinking through the people they’re working with. These essays represent a distillation of information and ideology, but those ideas are already moving. There’s a ton of research happening in artistic practice and historical archival research around black people in motion, but we’re trying to say, “It’s okay to publish that, too.” Not that publishing is the most important thing—it’s just another place where the information can circulate. It’s not that this stuff isn’t around, it’s that in this moment we’re finding ways to publish it that we didn’t have fifteen years ago.

TAW: Framing it together in anthologies or special issues brings things together that have been bubbling for decades, centuries even, but haven’t been recognized as a coherent field.

TFD: But it’s also in the dancing. That’s the thing about black performance. The theory, history, and practice are so deeply implicated in each other that the translation into literary text is something we’ve been rightfully suspicious of. Reverence doesn’t want to be fixed. It’s not adulation, it’s not cult-making. Reverence is movable and needs to be. Black moves are about response, reverence, remembering, imagining forward. Writing often wants to be fixed. That’s what I love about our issue. We’re not trying to fix but to offer strategies to engage.

TAW: That’s a great word, “strategy.” It comes up in a lot of the articles. They try to share with readers the ways that dance works for artists, performers, or practitioners as a strategy for black life.

TFD: In black studies, performance and dance are always referred to, but usually with this quick, passing motion. Those of us who are working in black dance especially, understand that there’s much more in that moment. Maybe what we’re trying to do collectively is inspire all of us to engage reverence for those moments when our embodied practices line up with our identities, aspirations, wonderings, desires, and intellects. Maybe that’s something that we’re sharing with each other.

TAW: So often when I’m reading black scholarship I think, “Wait, but right there. If you dug into that performance or that movement moment it would give you a whole other level of nuance.”

TFD: I hope our issue will encourage the process of reverence. We’re affirming, by digging into a moment, larger structure, or the entirety of a choreography, that any of these modes can open up and allow us to re-strategize how black lives matter—to use that urgent kind of rhetoric—and how we matter for ourselves as a group through our dances. It’s such a huge part of how we understand what it is to be black. So let’s keep moving.

For a limited time, read the introduction and Tara Willis’ article for free. Subscribe to access the entire issue and receive the print version with cover art by Ian Douglas.

Thomas F. DeFrantz Thomas F. DeFrantz is Professor and Chair of African and African American Studies at Duke University, and founding member of the Collegium for African Diaspora Dance.  He is also director of SLIPPAGE: Performance, Culture, Technology, a research group that explores emerging technology in live performance applications. His books include Dancing Many Drums: Excavations in African American Dance (2002), Dancing Revelations Alvin Ailey’s Embodiment of African American Culture (2004), and Black Performance Theory, co-edited  with Anita Gonzalez (2014).

Tara Aisha Willis Tara Aisha Willis is a PhD candidate in Performance Studies, NYU, an editor for TDR/The Drama Review and Women & Performance: a journal of feminist theory, and a summer Thesis Writing Mentor for Hollins University’s Dance MFA. She is Coordinator of Diversity Initiatives for Movement Research, an artist services organization for NYC experimental dance, and a choreographer, dancer, and dance writer, including publication in The Brooklyn Rail and the Movement Research Performance Journal.

Filed Under: Interview

Modern Griots Interviews: Louis Chude-Sokei [Editor-in-Chief for TBS]

January 29, 2016

This post originally appeared on Futuristically Ancient

Modern Griots Interviews: Louis Chude-Sokei [Editor-in-Chief for TBS]

Part 1

Last year, I introduced to you all to the upcoming release of Louis Chude-Sokei’s The Sound of Culture. Well, the book is finally here and I had the privilege to interview Louis about his book and his research. Louis is a truth-speaker and an illusion-breaker who is not afraid to challenge and enlighten us on preconceived notions about our identities and histories. That is what I enjoy about this is exploring and presenting the numerous looks into our past that help us to understand and weave together our current time and move us forward! Enjoy Part 1 of Louis’ interview today and part 2 on Wednesday!

“…I also began to think through theories of masquerade and carnival as a way of apprehending the productive instability of so-called “blackness” and to subject American racial thinking to a more diasporic lens…”

1) How did you get started in your research? What led you to your interest in studying minstrelsy and its links to race, performance/masquerade, history, music and technology?

As a writer and scholar, one is always surrounded by or immersed in one’s interests and ideas as well as those of others.  Research is an ongoing state of being, and that’s a great privilege as well as accomplishment. With the topic of minstrelsy, I came to it accidentally while focusing on black immigrants in America during the period critics call “modernism.”  For black Americans, this is the “Harlem Renaissance.”  I’d always known that Caribbean blacks played a significant role in that movement and in the birth of pan-Africanism, but their roles were often tempered as they were historicized as “black,” which is to say African American.

In exploring the process by which “blackness” can erase cultural distinctions (often in the name of solidarity) and establish its own hierarchies, I began to hear calypso differently (seeing its participation in the Harlems Renaissance alongside jazz and blues); I began reading Claude McKay, Eric Walrond and Eulalie Spence differently (as black immigrants struggling with racism as well as an American form of blackness that sometimes had little room for divergence and diversity). Additionally, I began to focus on what we tend not to focus on: how blacks see, represent and relate to other types of blacks—a topic that I think is sorely under-theorized and is in fact feared and avoided.

It was after erecting the theoretical architecture of this black on black cross-cultural dynamic that I “discovered” Bert Williams, the black minstrel superstar that arguably helped make the Harlem Renaissance possible, had helped start the black recording industry, had integrated Broadway, had become the first black movie star, and had achieved all that via the blackface mask.

Bert Williams was a black immigrant, a Caribbean person who “played” a racist stereotype and attempted to humanize it and change its racist meanings from behind the mask. It blew me away to discover in his writings that he’d seen that stereotype as specifically being of African-Americans, not Caribbean blacks and certainly not of himself. Through that I began to think about the way race is performed by and amongst different types of blacks as they interact with each other, particularly in America.  I also began to think through theories of masquerade and carnival as a way of apprehending the productive instability of so-called “blackness” and to subject American racial thinking to a more diasporic lens.

The new book, The Sound of Culture, isn’t about blackface, however.  But since minstrelsy is at the heart of the technologization of race via film and recording, as well as central to the performance of identity in a hierarchical society, it is as inescapable as our futile attempts to escape it.

“…Avoiding trauma or historical complexity is not my strong suit.  I’m not sympathetic to those who wish to maintain fantasies of racial innocence and fragility…”

2)  What was the process like and your favorite part about putting together the book, Sound of Culture? Do you have a favorite essay?

The book can be traced back to a series of essays I’ve published over the last 20 years about reggae, hip hop, and DJ-culture as products of black on black cross cultural interaction, immigration and new modes of technological engagement in the wake of pan-Africanism and black nationalism.  It also includes work I’ve done on African Internet crime, minstrelsy and phonography, and the increasing science-fiction-ality of global black popular culture.  This began when I was a DJ/musician and a SF-head way before Afrofuturism became a “thing,” so I found myself working in parallel with that movement.

The process was easy in that I just returned to the essays (which can easily be found but will be collected in one volume next year), and decided to write a broader historical and theoretical narrative around them — one that would make them conceivable even though they were written first (kind of like Michael Thelwell’s attempt to write the novel The Harder They Come as if it could have been the source of the film had the book appeared first).  The best part was listening to the sounds that feature in the book and inspired it: jazz and dub, primarily, and tracing the literature and thinking around them, from slavery to cybernetics.

I can’t identify a favorite chapter since they are all so different and cover so much ground: but I particularly love the end of the introduction where I discuss the dub album by The Mad Professor called “A Caribbean Taste of Technology.”

3) What is your response to those who react strongly against blackface and minstrelsy, who might be turned off from studying it?

I’ve definitely had to suffer the brunt of having not only written a black book on minstrelsy (or a black book about black minstrelsy), but for suggesting that it’s necessary to return to blackface to make sense of our current moment as well as our future.  Not everyone has been happy about that, or about the resurgence of interest it helped generate. Avoiding trauma or historical complexity is not my strong suit.  I’m not sympathetic to those who wish to maintain fantasies of racial innocence and fragility.  We owe it to those who made unimaginable choices in the past to study the nature and impact of those choices: without their compromises we wouldn’t have the luxury of complaint.  That’s what I would say if I were moved to say anything at all.

But minstrelsy’s importance is due to its capacity to hurt, and therefore speaks for itself.  It is literally at the core of American popular culture and its cross-racial, cross-sexual and immigrant traditions.  It was the ground from which the first professional black performing artists grew as well as the science and art of recording sound; and due to the fact of its profound influence in the Caribbean, Africa, Europe, Mexico and Latin America (where it is still very much alive), it’s central to other popular cultures as well.

It’s also crucial to know that exclusively negative assessments of blackface didn’t begin until the 1960s, and so much of our hostility is produced less by knowledge of it but instead by shifts in black cultural politics, which themselves need to be understood and critiqued.  It was never always assessed as a negative phenomenon, especially given the fact that many blacks that put on the mask did it for quite activist and racially assertive reasons.

…To be continued.

Watch the trailer for the book and buy yourself a copy here!

Filed Under: Interview

Editor’s Choice: Top 5 Articles of 2015

January 16, 2016

Here are our editors’ top five articles from T​BS​ volume 45 (2015). Given the abundance of great material from this year, narrowing it down to only five was near impossible. We truly appreciate all the hard work our contributors put into their articles. We couldn’t have done it without ALL of you!

Alphabetical by author:

  • Translating Blackness: Dominicans Negotiating Race and Belonging, by Lorgia García-Peña (45.2)
  • Why We Get Off: Moving Towards a Black Feminist Politics of Pleasure, by Joan Morgan (45.4)
  • Looking Back, Facing Forward: (Re)-Imagining A Global Africa, by Olúfẹ́mi Táíwò (45.1)
  • New Orleans Revisited: Notes of a Native Daughter, by Lynnell L. Thomas (45.3)
  • If Loving Olitz is Wrong, I Don’t Wanna Be Right: ABC’s Scandal and the Affect of Black Female Desire, by Kristin J. Warner (45.1) [Free to access for limited time!]

For access to our upcoming 2016 content, subscribe now! For more information on subscriptions and accessing the above articles, see here.

 

Filed Under: News

A Validity of its Own: CLR James and Black Independence by Josh Myers

August 24, 2015

“Race talk” has become so muddled that our very comprehension of race is reduced to theoretical caricature, replete with memes and pithy one-liners, all with the complicity of the chattering class who tend to read the nonsensical as legitimate “news.” It is no wonder then that our best thinkers are not widely known or dismissed as relics of an old age. And it’s likely by design that our movements suffer from a historical amnesia that limits Black resistance to an image of the 1960s (not its reality), conducive to not only liberal ideas and positions, but conservative ones. Above all, this image of Black resistance does not threaten the direct conditions of its emergence: racial capitalism.

Enter: the life and works of C.L.R. James and their relative absence in many considerations of Black struggle in U.S. contexts.[1] Rupturing the logics of liberal hegemony that define what Black resistance has come to mean and how it must manifest now, requires us to resist the tendency to reduce James—and others like him—to an academic project. For James offered more than a historical reflection on the Haitian Revolution and a disquisition on cricket; these were parts of his larger project: a contribution to the conceptualization and enactment of the Black radical tradition. We ignore such accretions of “collective intelligence” at our own peril.[2]

How might James organize a project for resistance in these times? A possible answer lies in one of James’s analyses of the “Negro Question,” an address he called “The Revolutionary Answer to the Negro Problem in the United States” (1948).[3] Moving to the United States from London in 1938, the Trinidadian native organized within the Socialist Worker’s Party, before leaving it and then rejoining in 1947. As a Trotskyite and member of the “Johnson-Forest Tendency,” James came to evince a healthy skepticism toward state-centered permutations of socialism then apparent in the Soviet Union. James’s anti-Stalinism, however, was neither the stuff of the Truman Doctrine nor a response to the politics of the Cold War, and his racial politics were a clear repudiation of the Myrdal-influenced liberalism of the era.

Shortly after James’s return to the Socialist Worker’s Party, he offered “The Revolutionary Answer to the Negro Problem” as an outline for comprehending the role of the American Negro in the “struggle for socialism.”[4] But James, like many socialists before him, does not repeat the folly of reducing the plight of Black Americans to the question of class. His analysis of Black struggle is premised on its independence. He offers three points which buttress this argument: 1) “the independent Negro struggle, has a vitality and a validity of its own; that it has deep historic roots in the past of America and in present struggles; it has an organic political perspective, along which it is traveling, to one degree or another…”; 2) “…this independent Negro movement is able to intervene with terrific force upon the general and social and political life of the nation…”; and 3) “…it is able to exercise a powerful influence upon the revolutionary proletariat…”[5] It is not ironic that in Trotskyism, James found a revolutionary alternative to the “state capitalist” Soviet Union, and in the historical and contemporary “Negro struggle,” he found a revolutionary alternative to the capitalist-aligned organized labor movement.[6] In the Black radical tradition as it manifested in the United States, he found a mass of people whose direct experiences gave them reason to “reject this shibboleth of (American) bourgeois democracy.”[7] For James, and clearly for those struggling to imagine and create a “new society” today, the unique and enduring conceptions of freedom produced by Black experiences must be acknowledged and understood as central to the larger questions of human freedom (found, for James, through the creation of a socialist society).[8] This is the promise of the Black radical tradition, as elucidated by Cedric Robinson: the projection of a new order of things.[9] Let it be the promise of our Black lives mattering.

“The Revolutionary Answer to the Negro Problem in the United States” was republished, along with the Socialist Worker’s Party resolution on the question, by the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party as The Independence of the Black Struggle in 1975. This is significant for a couple of reasons. First, it occurred during what Anthony Bogues calls C.L.R. James’s “second sojourn” to the United States.[10] Secondly, James’s approval of the publication came as a result of his collaboration with many Pan-Africanist and Marxist formations in the United States during this period, namely the Centre for Black Education in DC. The “Negro struggle” he theorized about in 1948 saw in James a veritable intellectual presence as an elder. James’s Pan-African vision resulted in his participation for the call for the Sixth Pan-African Congress in 1974. (Always the iconoclast, James’s disagreement with the organizers on the question of opposition movement participation prevented his attendance at the Congress).[11] The Pan-African struggle for James was neither a contradiction nor a diversion from his larger quest for a new society, even as his “radical” colleagues dismissed his “nationalist” activities.[12] Like others who represented Robinson’s “Black radical intelligentsia,” these kinds of projects and initiatives, issuing from the political and cultural “independence” of Black thought, were perhaps more necessary to eradicating racial capitalism than even the best Western traditions—something they each had to confront.[13] “Marxism” had to be given life by the Black radical tradition in order to have any validity.

James’s pamphlet, along with, of course A History of Pan-African Revolt (also republished in DC in the 1970s), The Black Jacobins, and the 1939 New International essay “Revolution and the Negro,” represents his most salient works in this particular idiom. In these interventions James better frames “structural racism” than those who use the term without ever elucidating the nature of that structure.[14] In resisting these fallacious commonplaces resonant in the industry of “race talk” we offer better foundations for meaningful resistance—ancestral voices lead the way.

Josh Myers teaches Africana Studies in the Department of Afro-American Studies at Howard University and is a member of the Association for the Study of Classical African Civilizations and Positive Black Folks in Action. His research examines Black intellectual traditions and the conditions of its existence in the Western academy.

Notes

[1] This is not simply a “U.S. problem.” And neither should struggle in the U.S. be assumed to adhere to a U.S. national context. Rather, it should be understood in the ways that James, and thinkers from W.E.B. Du Bois to Angela Davis to Gerald Horne have understood it; in the words of Du Bois, “as a local phase of a world problem.” See W.E.B. Du Bois, “The Color Line Belts the World,” in W.E.B. Du Bois: A Reader, ed. Andrew Paschal (Collier Books, 1971), 263.

[2] Cedric Robinson, Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition (UNC Press, 2000), xxx.

[3] This work is included in the recent collection, “The Black Radical Tradition,” compiled by the Communist Research Cluster and Viewpoint Magazine, https://libcom.org/library/black-radical-tradition. It has appeared in Anna Grimshaw’s C.L.R. James Reader (Blackwell, 1992) and Scott McLemee’s C.L.R. James on the Negro Question (University Press of Mississippi, 1996). A reproduction of the address with commentary by McLemee can be found in the International Socialist Review 85 (September 2012), http://isreview.org/issue/85/revolutionary-answer-negro-problem-united-states. I will be citing the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party edition, which includes the both address and the Socialist Worker’s Party resolution, appearing as, The Independence of the Black The Struggle (A-APRP, 1975).

[4] James, The Independence of Black Struggle, 3.

[5] Ibid, 2-3.

[6] In the address, James repeatedly discusses the potential of the Negro for radicalizing organized labor.

[7] Ibid, 3. James also perceptively pointed to the potential of the Negro to break up the Democratic coalition. He could not see however, that this would fail to radicalize the party (See Ibid, 5).

[8] “New society” is from Frank Rosengarten, Urbane Revolutionary: C.L.R. James and the Struggle for a New Society (University Press of Mississippi, 2008).

[9] Robinson, Black Marxism, 177.

[10] Anthony Bogues, “C.L.R. James, Pan-Africanism and the Black Radical Tradition,” Critical Arts 25 (2011): 492.

[11] Ibid, 495.

[12] See Rosengarten, Urbane Revolutionary, 117-135.

[13] See Robinson, Black Marxism, 182-184.

[14] Representative of this trend is Jamil Smith, “Structural Racism Needs to be a Presidential Campaign Issue,” The New Republic, July 17, 2015, http://www.newrepublic.com/article/122321/fighting-structural-racism-needs-be-presidential-campaign-issue.

Subscribers to The Black Scholar: Journal of Black Studies and Research have access to the following related essays:

Interviews: “C. L. R. James,” Volume 2, Issue 1, 1970 (Special Issue: Black Studies)

Imamu Amiri Baraka, “Some Questions about the Sixth Pan-African Congress,” Volume 6, Issue 2 (1974) (Special Issue: Black Politics 1974)

Seth Markle, “Book Publishers for a Pan-African World’: Drum and Spear Press and Tanzania’s Ujamaa Ideology,” Volume 37, Issue 4 (2008) (Special Issue: Rethinking Pan-Africanism for the 21st Century)

Walter Rucker, “A Negro Nation Within the Nation”: W.E.B. Du Bois and the Creation of a Revolutionary Pan-Africanist Tradition, 1903–1947,” Volume 32, Issue 3-4 (2002) (Special Issue: Black and the United Nations)

Filed Under: Opinion

Haiti: The Second Occupation by Jemima Pierre

August 14, 2015

[Reposted from The Public Archive]

July 28, 2015 marked the one hundredth anniversary of the landing of US Marines in Haiti and the beginning of a military occupation of the Black Republic that lasted until 1934 — nineteen years in total. With its massacres of Haitian peasants, its control of Haiti’s finances, its suppression of the Haitian press, and its dissolution of the Haitian legislature – all backed by a combination of Jim Crow ideology and Monroe Doctrine exceptionalism – the US occupation represents a searing annotation in the history of Haitian sovereignty. Yet the memory of the US occupation sits awkwardly in the context of the Haitian present where a new, second occupation of Haiti is currently in its eleventh year. It begs the question posed by @public_archive, “How do you memorialize occupation in the middle of occupation?”

The second occupation began June 2004 and was established under the pretext of “stabilizing” Haiti after the U.S.-sponsored ouster of the country’s democratically elected president, Jean Bertrand Aristide. During the 2003 “Ottawa Initiative on Haiti” France, Canada, and the US hatched a plot to overthrow Aristide. The following February their plan was implemented. Aristide was kidnapped by US marines and sent to a military base in the Central African Republic. US President George W. Bush announced afterwards that he was sending US forces to Haiti to “help stabilize the country.” As Peter Hallward documents, the invading “Franco-American” force targeted and killed Aristide supporters, installed a puppet Prime Minister, and enabled the formation of a paramilitary force that organized anti-Aristide death squads. The United Nations, then led by Secretary-General Kofi Annan, then cleaned up. According to Hallward, UN Security Council voted unanimously on April 29, 2003 to send, “an 8,300-strong UN Stabilization Force from 1 June, under the leadership of Lula’s Brazil.”

The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) is a multi-billion dollar military occupation that has had in any given year between 6000 and 9000 military troops and police in addition to thousands of civilian personnel. While there is no civil war in Haiti, and while crime rates are higher in other nations in the Western hemisphere – including Jamaica and the U.S. – MINUSTAH has had its illegal mandate renewed and extended every year. During this second occupation, the US and its allies, France and Canada, have been able to install another puppet government, the neo-Duvalierist Michel Martelly. Martelly, who has been ruling by decree since January 2015, has opened up Haiti to radical economic fleecing, including the giveaway of land and the Republic’s gold and mineral resources. He has also diligently worked to reinstate the Haitian military. And in a horrific parallel to first US occupation of Haiti, MINUSTAH has committed numerous acts of violence against the Haitian people – including rape and assassination. MINUSTAH is also responsible for bringing cholera into the country, a disease that has killed more than 9000 Haitians and infected hundreds of thousands. Despite the deaths, and despite the evidence proving their culpability, the United Nations has enjoyed immunity from prosecution.

While the current occupation was initiated and continues to be largely funded by the U.S. and the United Nations, Haiti’s sovereignty has been extinguished by a multiracial coalition of Caribbean, Latin American and African countries. This may be the most sinister and least talked about aspect of the occupation, but it is perhaps the one that most requires our attention and contempt. In the first instance, there is Brazil. Brazil has been in charge of the military wing of the occupation since its inception. It has spent upwards of $750 million on maintaining military control. For Brazil, the country in Latin America with the largest Black population and a supposedly leftist government, Haiti is its “imperial ground zero.” Brazil has used its contribution to the occupation of the Black Republic to demonstrate its credentials as a regional power and to show the Americans and Europeans that it is ready for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. For Brazil, Haiti is also a training ground for domestic security and enforcements; its Haitian forces return to the country and deploy the tactics of military terror on its own poor Black and Brown favela dwellers.

The second occupation’s new Black leadership is, however, as egregious as Brazil’s involvement. The head of the MINUSTAH mission in Haiti is Sandra Honoré, of Trinidad and Tobago. A career diplomat and former ambassador to Costa Rica, Honoré takes up the post previously held by Mariano Fernández Amunátegui of Chile. Her deputy is Carl Alexandre, an African-American attorney who previously worked as the “Resident Legal Advisor” for the U.S. Embassy in Haiti. This Black leadership is accompanied by a multinational military force made up of a number of South American, Caribbean, and African countries, including Argentina, Chile, Columbia, Jamaica, Grenada, Benin, Burkina Faso, Egypt, Côte d’Ivoire, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Guinea, Cameroon, Niger, and Mali.

One hundred years after US Marines landed in Haiti, it seems as if the entire world is colluding to undermine the sovereignty of the world’s first Black nation. Under these circumstances, we cannot memorialize Haiti’s first occupation without rebuking those responsible for the second.

 

Jemima Pierre (Ph.D., University of Texas at Austin) is a sociocultural anthropologist whose research and teaching interests are located in the overlaps between African Studies and African Diaspora Studies and engage three broad areas: race, racial formation theory, and political economy; culture and the history of anthropological theory; and transnationalism, globalization, and diaspora. She is the author of The Predicament of Blackness: Postcolonial Ghana and the Politics of Race (Winner of the 2014 Elliot Skinner Book Award in Africanist Anthropology) and is currently working on a project on the racialized political economy of multinational resource extraction in West Africa. Dr. Pierre’s essays on global racial formation, Ghana, Haiti, immigration, and African diaspora theory and politics have appeared in a number of academic journals. She has also served as editor and columnist for the online news magazine Black Agenda Report.

She can be reached at pierrej[at]ucla.edu.

Filed Under: News

Battle Flags, Rainbow Banners and Beyond by Mia Mask

August 13, 2015

Ever since the Charleston, South Carolina shooting at Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church, at which Reverend Clementa Pinckney and eight of his parishioners (Cynthia Hurd, Susie Jackson, Ethel Lance, DePayne Middleton Doctor, Tywanza Sanders, Daniel Simmons Sr., Sharonda Coleman-Singleton, and Myra Thompson), were murdered by a white supremacist vigilante, pressure had mounted on southern states to stop displaying the Confederate battle flag. The massacre was another reminder of the various battles facing black America today. But because the flag was just one emblem, the tendency is to view these events as isolated incidents rather than see them as an indication of the zeitgeist.

President Barack Obama’s soulful eulogy for Reverend Clementa (and singing of “Amazing Grace” at his conclusion) added gravitas and dignity to the senseless tragedy. Supporters of the flag viewed the shooting and the flag as unrelated. But it should be embarrassingly obvious that this flag is more than an historical symbol. It’s an icon of war. Incorrectly described as the Confederate flag, it was first used in northern Virginia battlefields in 1861, and it was never officially adopted as the flag of the Confederate States. On June 22, The New York Times included a blurb to remind the nation’s readers that the eponymous flag was, and is, a battle flag.[1]

The battle flag was exactly that: the flag of an enemy nation that went into relief after the Civil War for decades. In 1962, South Carolina flew the flag over the dome of the State House in observance of the Civil War Centennial. Apparently, the flag wasn’t flown at the South Carolina capitol for generations after the Civil War but during the upheaval of the 1960s, during the tumultuous era of desegregation, the flag was resurrected to renew the sense of embattlement felt by anti-integrationists. But the history of this flag, which has been obscured over the years by the Klan’s appropriation of it, as well as in current conversation about its contemporary meanings, makes it unequivocally clear that the flag was exactly what blacks folks always thought it was: an aggressive symbol of white supremacy.

Thankfully, the debate was put to rest. On Thursday July 9, the final vote in the State House of Representatives was 94 to 20, well above the two-thirds majority required for Governor Nikki R. Haley to sign into law a bill to remove the battle flag from state grounds. Yet even as we’ve won the proverbial battle over the battle flag, we’re losing the war.

It’s not the “war on drugs” or the “war on terrorism,” we are losing as much as it’s the war on Black America. It’s a cold (or lukewarm) war comprised of several moving components. And, it is happening in spite of – or perhaps as partial backlash against – Barak Obama’s presidency. First, there’s the ongoing travesty of mass incarceration, which was bolstered by RDLs or Rockerfeller drug laws (before Eric Holder’s sentencing policy reforms) and by privatization.[2] Hopefully, Obama’s visit to the medium security El Reno Federal Correctional Institution near Oklahoma City – and the ongoing activism of thousands — will bolster the movement against mass incarceration. But the current statistics are devastating. The Economist ran a cover story (“Jailhouse Nation”) on June 20, providing an update on incarceration figures among industrialized nations. Whereas The New York Times reports 2.2 million incarcerated Americans, The Economist and The Brennan Center for Justice estimate the population to be 2.3 million, if we include the array of state and federal prisons, local jails and immigration detention centers. It still holds true, no country in the world imprisons as many people as America does, or for so long. A disproportionate percentage of the incarcerated are black and brown. Its common knowledge the system is particularly punishing towards black people and Hispanics, who are imprisoned at six times and twice the rates of whites respectively.[3]

Second, there’s the ongoing police brutality and white vigilantism against blacks. We are routinely witnessing the senseless killings of unarmed black men, boys and women (i.e., Trayvon Martin, Jordan David, Eric Garner, Tamir Rice, Freddie Gray, Sandra Bland, Dejerria Becton) who then find themselves entangled in the criminal justice system. Third, there are efforts to obstruct (and deter) black voter registration with voter ID laws. Fourth, there’s the burning of, and assault on, black churches.

One cannot help but feel concern that Abigail Fisher’s case against the University of Texas at Austin isn’t also part of the cold war on racial diversity, multicultural learning environments and black racial uplift. Miss Fisher – a white applicant – sued the university for discrimination after being denied admission to the Austin campus in 2008. Its significant Fisher’s case doesn’t take issue with the admission of alumni progeny.

According to The Chronicle of Higher Education, Fisher’s lawyers asked the Supreme Court to take up her case a second time after the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit last year again upheld the Austin campus’s policy. Among dissenting parties, a claim has been made that the university clearly define what it meant in seeking a “critical mass” of minority students. The new appeal will be heard during the court’s 2015 term, which begins in October, with a ruling expected in the summer of 2016.[4] These decisions are weighty because, as Peter Schmidt notes, they have “the potential to reframe how courts and colleges think about campus diversity.”[5]

Abigail Fisher’s outlook and actions shouldn’t surprise us if the Texas State Board of Education is any indication of the kind of schooling young Texans receive. In 2010, the State Board adopted more conservative learning standards and opted to teach American history with a particular ideological inclination. The new books downplay issues like slavery and skirt others like Jim Crow laws, and causes for the Civil War. Yet next month, 5 million students will receive the new state board approved textbooks.[6] This is an example of cold war tactics. It is a crime of omission against (African) American history and an assault the minds of American youth.

Then there’s the recent celebration of the SCOTUS decision in favor of same-sex marriage, which should be a victory for all to celebrate. But it’s a celebration that obscures the rest of what’s happening in America. In light of the erosion of Black American civil liberties; white supremacist assaults on black churches and their parishioners; efforts to undermine black voter registration; challenges to racially-sensitive college admissions policies that ensure access; and a literal re-writing of history, one wonders whether we should be celebrating or if our LGTBQ brethren (white, and of color) should be mourning– and strategizing – with us?

Activist-author Darnell L. Moore summed it up well in his June 26, 2015 article entitled: “I Am Black and Gay, But I Refuse to Be Proud this Weekend.” I tweeted and posted Moore’s article on my Facebook page seconds after reading it because I wanted my friends and family (who were busily posting rainbow selfies and profile photos in the wake of the SCOTUS decision) to think twice about the climate and the cause for celebration.

As a heterosexual woman, I tread lightly in this area. It is probably inappropriate for me to ask how much this decision is going to help black (gay) people or other sexual minorities of color. But I wonder. Fortunately, Mr. Moore, asks the pertinent question about who is served by this when he writes:

“The LGBTQ movement has been likened to the black civil rights movement of our past, with “gay” even being called the “new black”…Thus gay liberation has often been fueled by the rhetoric of black liberation. In April, for example, joyful proponents of same-sex marriage gathered outside of the nation’s highest court singing “We Shall Overcome.” But I wonder, who is the “we” they imagine?” [7]

Throughout his brief commentary, Moore references a critique that has been issued by progressive folk of various backgrounds. Activists, scholars and academics have questioned the simplistic paralleling of racial identity with sexuality for years. The cracks in the rhetoric have always been there – as has the critical resistance.

The troubling irony is not that folks want to celebrate a moment uniquely invested in gay liberation (when black and brown people are dying), as Moore asserts. The problem is that many other marginalized Americans (and white folks) have utilized this bridge (called our backs) to achieve the very civil rights and liberties all Americans should enjoy without lending the same efforts, energy or passion to African American struggles.

Perhaps I’m just particularly sensitive to white appropriation of black disenfranchisement, black culture, and black radical discourse in the wake of Rachel Dolezal’s Afro-Saxon masquerade. She reminded me of how easily (and often) white folks have, can, and do appropriate discourses closely associated with blackness to enhance their own cultural or social capital. After all, Dolezal got academic appointments on the basis of her knowledge, affinity and proximity to African American Studies. If she faked other aspects of her identity, did she fake her credentials too? Moreover, Dolezal’s not the first white person to claim an “awareness and connection with the black experience,” as a way of making allowances. Many folks have made such claims (be they friends, schoolmates, colleagues or neighbors). These statements remind me of Greg Tate’s aptly titled anthology: Everything But the Burden: What White People are Taking from Black Culture (2003).

My hope for the future is that those who are celebrating SCOTUS on gay marriage or college acceptance rates for white women (who statistically have been the primary beneficiaries of Affirmative Action) will reciprocate by one-day turning their full energy and attention to another battle: the problem of the color line.

[1] “Divisive Symbolism of a Southern Flag” The New York Times, June 22, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2015/06/22/us/Divisive-Symbolism-of-a-Southern-Flag.html

[2]In 2010, Congress passed the Fair Sentencing Act.

[3] “American Prisons: The Right Choices,” The Economist, June 20, 2015. See also, “Criminal justice and mass incarceration:The moral failures of America’s prison-industrial complex,” The Economist, July 20, 2015. http://www.economist.com/blogs/democracyinamerica/2015/07/criminal-justice-and-mass-incarceration

[4] Peter Schmidt, “What to Expect as Supreme Court Revisits Race in Admissions,” The Chronicle of Higher Education, Vol. LXI., No. 40, July 10, 2015,

[5] Ibid.

[6] http://www.npr.org/sections/ed/2015/07/13/421744763/how-textbooks-can-teach-different-versions-of-history

[7] Darnell L. Moore, “I Am Black and Gay, But I Refuse to Be Proud This Weekend.” Identities.Michttp://mic.com/articles/121420/Civil-Rights-Marriage-Equality, June 26, 2015.

Mia Mask is Associate Professor of Film at Vassar College. She teaches African American cinema, documentary history, feminist film theory, African national cinemas, and genre courses. She is the author of Divas on Screen: Black Women in American Film. She edited Contemporary Black American Cinema. In 2014 she published Poitier Revisited: Reconsidering a Black Icon in the Obama Age.

Filed Under: Opinion

Nations and Nègres: An Interview with David Austin by Peter Hudson

June 6, 2015

Educator and writer David Austin is among the foremost chroniclers of Pan-Africanism, Black Power, and West Indian intellectual and political history in the Americas. He has three books to his name: A View for Freedom, an oral history of the late St. Vincents-born, Montreal-based cricketer and organizer Alphonso Theodore “Alfie” Roberts, You Don’t Play with Revolution, an edited collection of CLR James’ Montreal lectures and talks, and Fear of a Black Nation: Race, Sex, and Security in 1960s Montreal. The winner of the 2014 Casa de las Americas Prize in Caribbean Literature in English or Creole, Fear of a Black Nation was recently translated into Spanish as Miedo a una nación negra: Raza, sexo y seguridad en el Montreal de los años sesenta and into French as Nègres noirs, Nègres blancs: Race, sexe et politique dans les années 1960 à Montréal.

Fear of a Black Nation is a book of burning relevance to our times. Its analysis of surveillance, sex, and the security state, on one hand, and race, revolution, and repression on the other, provides a historical perspective on modern-day, state-sponsored regimes of anti-Black terrorism and crypto-fascist intelligence gathering — from carding to Bill C-51 and from stop and frisk to the NSA. Austin does not stop there, however. He also documents the transnational and cross-racial Black-led political and literary movements of the 1960s and unearths the fervent connections between Quebec and the Caribbean and Montreal and the Black world. An extended interview with Austin titled “Research, Repression and Revolution: On Montreal and the Black Radical Tradition” was recently published in the CLR James Journal. Here, The Public Archive happily offers the unpublished outtakes of that interview – including Austin’s thoughts on CLR and Selma James, on Blackness and the politics of nationalism in Quebec, and on the connections between Montreal, Haiti, and the greater Caribbean.

PH: It has been noted that CLR James wrote almost nothing on Haiti’s political world post-1804. Following this, I’m wondering if you could say something about the relationship of the Anglophone Black World to Haiti and Haitians in Montreal during the late 1960s. In Fear of a Black Nation, you briefly mention individuals such as Elder Thébaud and Philippe Fils-Aimé, but was there a connection between West Indians in Montreal and anti-Duvalier Marxists?

DA: This raises some interesting issues. First, although the book was released in the late spring of 2013, if I had a chance to do it over, and with more time, I would have benefited from more recent work on the Haitian left in Montreal and would have had more to say about Montreal as an important home of Haitian intellectuals and political figures, many of whom worked alongside Anglophone Caribbeans. There is, for example, historian Sean Mills’ impeccably researched work in the Canadian Historical Review on the Haitian deportation crisis, and his forthcoming book examines the presence of Haitian political and literary figures in the Quebec. What I did in a very limited way is touch on the links between members of the Haitian and Anglo Caribbean and Black left by alluding to individuals such as Max Chancy, Elder Thébaud, and Philippe Fils-Aimé, but this is far from sufficient. They all worked closely with people from the Anglophone Caribbean in Montreal. I wish I had known more about the Chancy family. As Désiree Rochat has researched, Adeline Chancy was very active within the Haitian left (see Rochat’s La vie caribéenne au Québec: L’histoire des années 60, 70 et 80 en photos/ Caribbean life in Quebec: A pictorial history of the 60s, 70s and 80s, published by CIDIHCA). Chancy played a major role in establishing institutions that served the Haitian community, including La Maison d’Haiti, when Haitians were migrating to the city in large numbers in the sixties and seventies. She was one of a number of Haitian women who were active in Haitian community politics, and she also assisted James in preparing the presentation that he delivered during the Congress of Black Writers on Negritude. Max Chancy was a well-known Haitian Marxist who also fled the Duvalier regime in Haiti and made a home in Montreal where he continued to be politically active as a Haitian exile while teaching. He and Adeline were part of a tradition of the Haitian left, a long intellectual tradition of thinkers, writers and organizers that also left a mark on Quebec society through their intellectual-political and cultural presence, and as educators and builders of institutions.

At the risk of romanticizing the past, which is always a danger, it has become apparent that there was a lot more integration in the 1960s and 1970s between the Caribbean communities, but that this has changed quite dramatically in more recent times. This may have something to do with Quebec politics, which has become largely divided along linguistic lines (English and French); and as a result of the human geography of the city in which Francophones largely live in the east and north of the island and Anglophones largely in the west and south. Language, culture, and one’s sense of community – including what media a person accesses – largely determine which Quebec and Montreal we experience. There are middle grounds where cultural and linguistic groups meet, and today the definition of who is an Anglophone and Francophone is shifting, as is the definition of what it means to be a Quebecer. For example, I teach in a English college in Quebec, but many of my students are Francophones and I often have Indigenous students in my classes, alongside people of African, Caribbean, Asian, and Middle Eastern descent, all of which makes for interesting conversations at times about memory, history, and national identity.

PH: Continuing on this theme, one of the striking features of Fear of a Black Nation is your mapping of the connections between Antillean, African-American, French Canadian, and Anglophone Caribbean literary and political movements. It recalls the evocation of what Brent Hayes Edwards has termed the “practice of diaspora” yet while Edwards focuses on the discursive lags occurring during cross-Atlantic acts of translation and interpretation, you present something altogether more dynamic and eminently more political. Can talk about the challenges and difficulties you faced in writing across the Anglophone-Francophone divide? And can you say something on the role of Aimé Césaire and other French West Indian writers within the French Canadian literary and political imagination?

DA: I think Brent Edwards notion of diaspora as a practice represents an important step in thinking about diaspora in a more dynamic way, and allows us to think about this practice and its politics in different contexts. This said, the Quebec context is unique in that not only were Caribbean women and men reading the three Martiniquan theorists you mention, but so too were French Quebecers. Quebec is such an interesting province. In addition to Indigenous peoples in the territory, it consists of migrants: the French who colonized and displaced Indigenous peoples and forced them onto reserves and residential schools, and the English who later colonized the French. The French majority is now the dominant power, but following the conquest of 1760, the British assumed power in the province and its French majority became a kind of “lost tribe” of France and treated like an inferior minority by the English in Quebec. The period of the “Quiet Revolution” in the 1960s, which in so many respects was everything but quiet, began a process of making French Quebecers master “chez nous” as they put it, in their own homes. As a result, over time the English minority that once dominated Quebec economically and politically have become a lost English tribe among the Quebec majority, a tribe that often harkens back to the good old days like in Gone with the Wind. But French Quebecers, or at least many among the power-elite, still project a fear English Canada’s political and cultural domination. In the meantime, Montreal Anglophone’s Black community has become a lost tribe too in relation to Blacks in the rest of Canada, though it is true that Francophone Blacks (and these categories can be quite fluid) do not fair much better in Quebec. All of this, plus the contrived fear of the cultural and religious values and practices of growing numbers of people of Asian and Middle Eastern descent embodied in the Quebec Charter of Values that is being promoted by the Parti Québécois government – all of this has made for a very peculiar, tense, and volatile situation within the current context of Quebec nationalism.

Quebec nationalism has become increasingly parochial and exclusive. Today official nationalism has assumed xenophobic forms in which the presence and authenticity of non-French Quebecers is constantly being called into question. This is not simply a linguistic issue in terms of preserving the French language in Quebec in relation to English Canada, or about preserving French Quebec culture. These are important considerations, but it is obvious that, as the French Quebec population continues to decrease in relation to the rest of the population, there is a fear, especially in Montreal, that it will both be outnumbered and be absorbed or racially mixed out of existence. In other words, Quebec nationalism also operates on the level of biology and biopolitics.

The late Hubert Aquin is arguably Quebec’s most important writer, and he was very influenced by African independence movements and was involved in the production of several films on the subject in the 1960s. But in addition to African struggles, Aimé Césaire along with Édouard Glissant and Frantz Fanon played a very important role in Quebec in the sixties and seventies. This role has essentially been forgotten or omitted, and is very instructive in terms of understanding the selective nature of Quebec’s recent nationalist history. French Quebecers read these thinkers in the fifties and sixties in French before their writing was widely available in English in North America. Césaire’s Notebook of a Return to My Native Land [pdf] was profoundly important to some of French Quebec’s most important writers and poets such as Gerald Godin, Paul Chamberlain, Andrée Ferretti, Yves Préfontaine, and Pierre Vallières. Vallières authored the famous book Nègres blancs d’Amerique (The White Niggers of America), a book that was very much influenced by Fanon’s writing on decolonization and race. Like other members of the Quebec Liberation Front (FLQ), the leading nationalist organization of the sixties, he was also profoundly shaped by the Black Power movement in the U.S. and anti-colonial struggles in Africa and other parts of the world. Part of Fanon’s appeal as Quebec attempted to free itself from control of the English elite and the Catholic Church in the province was his critical analysis of nationalist leaders and how they betray the majority of the population once they assume power. The FLQ was also attracted to Fanon’s analysis of violence and they carried out a series of bomb attacks and kidnappings of a British diplomat, James Cross, and a Quebec Liberal politician, Pierre Laporte (Laporte was eventually killed in their custody). I would suggest that the FLQ misread Fanon’s analysis of violence as, although Fanon does not disavow it as part of anti-colonial struggle, he also discusses how colonial conditions make forms of violence, including fratricide, inevitable as colonialism itself is a violent process.

Glissant’s influence in Quebec was different because he actually had a physical presence in Montreal and was a close friend of Gaston Miron, one of French Quebec’s most important poets and literary figures. Miron was a Quebec nationalist and Glissant engaged Miron and other French Quebec Writers in discussions about the use Joual, French Quebecers version of Creole, in literature, comparing it to the use of Creole in literary circles in Martinique, both languages having roots in rural regions. Glissant understood French Quebecers as an oppressed group, but was fully aware of the conditions of Indigenous peoples in Quebec who had been colonized by the French and British and stopped short of referring to the French in Quebec as a colonized people. When we add this to the fact that Quebec nationalism was also very much influenced by anti-colonial movements in Africa and other parts of the world, along with the Black Power movement in the U.S., it is obvious that there clearly needs to be a new narrative about the history of Quebec and Quebec nationalism. French Quebecers came to see themselves as nègres blancs, or the white niggers of America. But this raises the question of the invisibility of actual nègres in Quebec at this time, at least prior to the Congress of Black Writers and the Sir George Williams protest.

PH: During your interview with Selma James at her home in London in 2004 you discovered you were the first person to interview her about C.L.R. What came out of the interview in terms of her personal reminisces of James, about their relationship? And given Selma James’ commitment to the wages for housework campaign, did she speak of CLR’s relationship to feminist organizing and the politics of gender?

DA: I think that it is a shame that she has not been interviewed more, or at least that was true at the time. I know that there is a tendency to write without conducting interviews with individuals but in this case, this tendency also has something to do with gender and race. Selma James is a woman, and is white and she perhaps does not fit with the perception of James the autonomous Caribbean, Black, Marxist intellectual. We know that James was a brilliant theorist with extraordinary intellectual gifts. But it is also true that he had collaborators, and his chief collaborators in the U.S. during what was in some respects his most fertile intellectual period were women, including Grace Lee Boggs and Raya Dunayevskaya with whom he was in constant dialogue. As James’s wife, Selma James is seen as less of a collaborator. This, coupled with her no-nonsense political outlook, have perhaps made potential interviewers leery, but to the detriment of understanding her, her work, and James’s historical legacy. Selma James was very important to C.L.R. James in terms of encouraging him to think seriously about gender and power relations between women and men. As much as she was devoted to C.L.R.’s ideas, her work and ideas also informed his and she is obviously an important thinker in her own right. Walter Rodney understood this and in Walter Rodney Speaks he made a point of discussing her importance to the London study group in the James home in the early sixties.

It is worth noting that Selma James’s work played a role in Canada, collaborating with former CLR James Study Circle (CLRJSC) member Anne Cools who had become quite close to C.L.R. James and who had helped to raise funds for her legal fees after she was arrested for her role in the Sir George Williams protest. Cools was essentially the only women who played an active intellectual-political role in the small CLRJSC group. She later became an important feminist in Montreal, collaborating with French Quebec feminists and women across Canada. She is also said to have established the first or one of the first women’s shelters in Canada. Anne Cools did not write much and has been largely written out of Canada’s feminist history, in part because she became quite conservative. But you cannot un-write history. In a short article, “Womanhood,” (published in the February 1971 “Black Spark Edition” of the McGill Free Press) she discussed the unequal relationship between Black women and Black men and argued that there could be no genuine liberation without addressing this issue. I think this essay is a critique of her male peers in the Caribbean Conference Committee and the CLRJSC, of Black and Caribbean politics in Montreal in general.

Within the parameters of what I was writing about in Fear of a Black Nation, I tried to very consciously address the gender imbalance in my own writing and to seriously think about the roles that women played in that historical moment (1960s and 1970s); how both women and men understood their roles and the roles of the opposite genders; and without dismissing the reality that gender and sexuality exist on spectrums or represent gradations of being as opposed to fixed anatomical or sexual categories. Several theorists were very helpful as I worked through this. The work of Carol Boyce Davies, especially Black Women, Writing, and Identity: Migrations of the Subject, was helpful in terms of thinking about the relationship between feminism, gender, and black identity. So too was the work of Audre Lorde; and Angela Davis’s book, Blues Legacies and Black Feminism: Gertrude “Ma” Rainey, Bessie Smith, and Billy Holiday, which framed these singers as important women’s voices, feminists in their own right, but without the title. The work of Saba Mahmood was very helpful, especially her book The Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject which argues that women are able to exercise degrees of agency and autonomy despite male dominance within Islam in Egypt. All of these theorist, including Natasha Barnes, Belinda Edmondson and Patricia Hill Collins, whose Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and Politics I had read as a university undergraduate. I also have to add Afua Cooper’s The Hanging of Angelique: The Untold Story of Canadian Slavery and the Burning of Old Montreal and Katherine McKittrick’s Demonic Grounds: Black Women and the Cartographies of Struggle. These books and authors were important, not only in terms of attempting to understand male dominance and how women have been historically been pushed into the background of social movements, but also why, for example, women who played active political roles in movements or groups often minimized their involvement when I interviewed them, deferring to the roles that men had played in the movement. I was also very fortunate to have a loose circle of friends and colleagues in Montreal who were also thinking about these questions and with whom I could discuss these ideas. I don’t think we can overestimate the importance of that kind of discussion.

PH: Over the years, you have become close to the economist and former New World Group member Kari Polyani-Levitt. What is the nature of the influence that she has had on you, personally, and how would you assess the legacy of Silent Surrender: The Multinational Corporation in Canada in Canada?

DA: I have known Kari for nine or ten years now but have known of her for much longer. Her name would come up in conversations about the Caribbean left and Caribbean thought in Montreal and economic policies in the Caribbean in the sixties and seventies, and in relation to Lloyd Best and other Caribbean economists that lived or sojourned in Montreal during that period and with whom she collaborated. I sought her out in relation to her work on the Caribbean and her involvement in the New World Group. In fact the essay that developed into the book Silent Surrender was first published in the New World journal. Lessons from the book have definitely been lost or ignored by economic policymakers in Canada. Silent Surrender argued that Canada was essentially capitulating to U.S. economic interests and that this practice would have dire consequences for Canadian autonomy. This was written long before Free Trade and today Canada’s economy is more embedded than ever with the U.S.’s which now relies on Canada’s oil reserves in the Tar Sands of Alberta, as an example, for much of its oil, and the oil is extracted using the hazardous fracking or hydraulic fracturing method that is threatening water supplies and the general natural environment.

Kari’s reflections on the Caribbean and Canada in the sixties and seventies have been helpful for me in terms of understanding that moment in Montreal and in relation to the Caribbean where she spent a good portion of academic and professional life. After a while, we began talking about other issues, including her father, theorist Karl Polanyi, and economics. Kari serves as a constant reminder of the importance of economic questions and her most recent book, a collection of essay entitled From the Great Transformation to the Great Financialization: On Karl Polanyi and Other Essays, is very helpful in terms of understanding the historical context that has brought us to the current juncture in global economics and neoliberalism. So much of what is written today in the social sciences speaks about social phenomena as if it is divorced from economics. Slavery and the transatlantic slave trade become about race in-and-of-itself, ignoring the fact that the slave trade was part of an economic system for which Black labor assumed a central role. This is why today there is so much difficulty accepting that Black labor and Black laborers do not simply produce surplus labor, but in the post-plantation and post-plant era, have become surplus laborers in many respects, many of whom live behind prison bars or are tied up in the judicial system because the labor force cannot absorb them and because, as the Civil Rights and Black Power demonstrated in the 1960s and 1970s, they represent a potentially transformative force and catalyst. This represents a modern crisis, but not a new one, and it is part of the afterlife of slavery in the Americas, Du Bois’ unresolved problem of what to do with manumitted Black labor whose physicality is sometimes desirable, but whose overall presence by-and-large is seen as an unwelcome threat. This is not without contradiction as Black popular culture is embedded in the culture of the Americas; but even then, the writing is perhaps on the wall in terms of White surrogates whose emulation of Black popular culture demonstrates that the Black reign in this domain potentially has an expiry date.

PH: For you what is most relevant in James’ writing and thought for understanding the situation of Blacks in contemporary Canada?

DA: “Allow me to say once that this recognition of my work and of all of it by a group of West Indians centred in Canada seems to me to have political implications of far more than a merely national significance.” ~C.L.R. James to Robert Hill, December 31, 1965.

That’s a hard one. From the quote, James obviously had some sense that interest in his work in Canada was significant, but he doesn’t elaborate. I think James’s belief in the underclass and the ability for ordinary people to organize themselves for change as shapers of history is important. This is what happened in Canada in the 1960s, but I mention Montreal in particular because James was connected to people that were involved in both the Congress of Black Writers and the Sir George Williams protest as a result of his sojourn in Canada in 1966-1967. Rinaldo Walcott has written an insightful unpublished paper, “Within the ‘archipelagos of poverty’: CLR James, Sylvia Wynter and ‘wasted lives,’” in which he applies Sylvia Wynter and James’s work to the Canadian context. He draws on a 1971 statement by James about the indelible presence of Blacks in England, a country whose fate is tied to that of a growing Black population that refuses to accept second-class status. Rinaldo then suggests that James’s remarks can be applied to Blacks in Canada. James thought about Caribbean people as a new people – I am trying to avoid the word modern and the implications of the word modernity – who, shorn of certain cultural-historical “baggage,” engendered the possibility of creating a new Caribbean society. But I think we can say that of the Black diaspora in general and this notion of the Black “modern” is akin to what Richard Iton suggests about the political implications of diaspora precisely because of its essential homelessness in In Search of the Black Fantastic. Blacks in Canada live in a kind of liminal space in which, despite an over three hundred-year presence in this country, are yet to be acknowledged as full citizens. But, as Iton and Walcott’s more recent work suggests, and James’s work implies, we need to think beyond conventional notions of citizenship entitlements and inclusion and towards how our experience can be channeled in ways that encourage us to work toward creatively recreating society, refashioning it through our own self-activity in ways that radically transform its current destructive social and environmental course, and with a vision that extends beyond nation states. This is part of what the diaspora’s history tells us – that our struggles have often been at the forefront of human struggles for emancipation, or at least cast light on human possibilities, even though this is rarely acknowledged.

*It should be noted that a historical error creeps into the CLR James Journal interview that was missed by editor, interviewer, and interviewee. Austin states that CLR James co-wrote Facing Reality with Raya Dunayevskaya and Grace Lee Boggs. In fact, Facing Reality was co-written with Cornelius Castoriadis and Grace Lee Boggs. We thank Professor Robert Hill for bringing this error to our attention.

Reposted from The Public Archive, with permission of the author

Peter James Hudson, Ph.D. teaches in theDepartment of African American Studies at UCLA. He recently co-edited a special issue of the CLR James Journal on “Black Canadian Thought.”

Filed Under: Interview

Meet the Editors: Shireen K. Lewis, Senior Editor of TBS

March 19, 2015

The Black Scholar recently interviewed Shireen K. Lewis, scholar, Senior Editor of TBS, Executive Director of EduSeed and founder of its SisterMentors Program, Washington D.C.

Q: Shireen, could you give us some background on the non-profit you work with? Feel free to give us some highs and lows as well as general information about how it started and its achievements.

A: I had the idea for women of color doctoral students creating community around the dissertation very early one morning. The idea came after a very tough week working on a dissertation chapter. I was raised in a very small community and so I knew what it felt like when people came together to help each other. I think it is Tracy Chapman who asks “why are there so many of us yet people are still so alone?” The group of women who came together broke through the isolation that we were experiencing during the dissertation writing. About four years later, after we saw our success, we decided to give back by mentoring girls of color from low income families. Most of us were earning our doctorates from predominantly white institutions and we were either the only ones or one of a handful of black and brown women in our departments. We knew that was because the pipeline was not being fed and we wanted to do something about that. So that is how the mentoring of girls began.

So what do we do today? Today, we are still doing the same thing but in a more sustainable manner. SisterMentors is under the umbrella of EduSeed, a nonprofit organization based in Washington, D.C. Our goal is to increase the number of women of color who earn doctorates and help girls of color from low income families to go to college and earn a Bachelor’s degree.

SisterMentors is a unique mentoring program in many ways. It is comprised of three groups: girls of color in first through twelve grades, young women in college, and women of color doctoral students. The program has helped 26 young women to go to college and 53 women of color to earn doctorates including in Math, Science and Economics. The core of our work lies in our long-term commitment to the women and girls. The girls join our program in elementary or middle school and stay through high school and college graduation and the women stay in our program anywhere from two and a half to five years. The women doctoral students that we serve mentor girls while they are with us.

Like most nonprofits, the most challenging aspect of our work is raising funds. I spend a lot of my time fundraising and I am also involved in program activities. The work is very rewarding and I have received recognition including an Honorary Doctorate from Rutgers University and SisterMentors has been recognized by the District of Columbia for its many years of service to the city.

Q: How exactly does the work you do with the nonprofit connect with your scholarship or does it? 

A: My scholarship is about moving intellectuals from the margin to the center. My book, Race, Culture and Identity: Francophone African and Caribbean Literature and Theory from Négritude to Créolité traces a literary tradition of black francophone literature from after the first world war to the late twentieth century. So I start with black radical scholars living in Paris in the 1930s affiliated with the manifesto Légitime Défense and end with another manifesto written in 1990’s titled Eloge de la Créolité. I include black intellectuals like Aimé Césaire, Léopold Senghor, Paulette Nardal, Edouard Glissant, Patrick Chamoiseau and Jean Bernabé. I emphasize the important role women like Nardal played in pioneering this modern literary movement.

It is the same thing that we do at SisterMentors. Our work is to move women and girls from the margins to the center by empowering them through education. Growing up I saw women around me, including my mother and grandmother, who were smart and self-confident but were unable to advance their education because of lack of opportunity and gender-based societal pressures and expectations.

Q: What’s your personal background as a scholar?

My background as a scholar was greatly influenced by the fact that I grew up in a country where the leader was a scholar, an intellectual and a prolific writer of history books that are still being taught at universities today. Eric Williams became prime minister of Trinidad shortly after I was born. He had a Ph.D. in history from Oxford University, was a professor at Howard University and published many books even during his tenure as prime minister. I grew up hearing my parents describing Williams as “brilliant” and saying that “he has brains that he hasn’t even used yet.” So I always wanted to get a Ph.D. so that I, too, could be “brilliant.” I also grew up hearing about the Black Power movement in the U.S., witnessing large scale protests by oilfield workers organized by their trade union (against multinational oil companies which were profiting from the exploration of oil where we lived, and in Trinidad in general), and learning about women’s inequality from books I read and from witnessing women’s lives.

All of my learning from kindergarten to post-secondary took place in Trinidad. I began learning French and Spanish vocabulary and grammar in secondary school in Trinidad. I then transitioned to reading the works of intellectuals from France and Spain when I did “A” levels (two years of study after secondary school which was a prerequisite for university). I then began serious study of social issues in France and Latin America when I came to the U.S. and began college because I double majored in French and Spanish. And then, of course, I did more in-depth readings and analysis of French and Francophone literature to earn my Ph.D. in French.   My readings of French Enlightenment philosophers, such as Rousseau and Montesquieu, and modern scholars such as Simone de Beauvoir and Michele Foucault, and my engagement with liberation theology through novels and films from Latin America, have influenced my thinking on social justice for women and marginalized communities and have certainly influenced my scholarship.

Q: Do you think of yourself or your work as activism?

A: It depends on your definition of the word. I truly believe that we will begin to see radical change in this world only when women leaders become a critical mass. So that is why my work is focused on women and girls. I am hopeful that women and girls, including those who benefit from SisterMentors, will become leaders who work to empower the powerless and better the lives of the disadvantaged. Once that happens, we will move toward peace and justice in this world.

Q: What do you hope for your work with TBS?

A: I am working with colleagues who are dedicated to continuing the high caliber of this journal nurtured by Robert Chrisman. I am honored and excited to be part of this team. I would like to help TBS continue to publish articles that are on the cutting edge – that no other journal is focused on. For example, the issue of how climate change affects black people and the black community. This is a very important issue that we should all be talking about.

Q: Where were you born and how did your surroundings affect how you grew up and who you are today?

A: I was born in a village in the twin islands of Trinidad and Tobago, located in the Caribbean. The village is called Pepper Village and is connected to a town called Fyzabad on the island of Trinidad. I grew up in the early post-independence years when Trinidad and Tobago had gained independence from Britain. The village itself did not have a school so I went to the first school in my village when I was about 8 years old. Prior to that, I went to a school many miles away which was overcrowded and was difficult to get to because of unreliable transportation. Once I got to that school in my village, I blossomed and began to excel in academics and this was mainly because of the close personal attention of the teachers and their commitment to the students. The youngest teacher at the school, whose name was Dora, took me under her wing and pushed me to excel in all areas of my life. That first school in my village profoundly changed my life and is responsible, in large part, for who I am today. Today, I am a lawyer and a Ph.D. with a strong sense of how education can change one’s life and the positive role that mentors play in children’s lives.

 

Filed Under: Interview

For Anthony Dansberry, another holiday to hope by Christopher Benson

January 9, 2015

[Reposted from The Chicago Reporter  with permission from the author.]

Anthony Dansberry spent Christmas in prison. “Nothing special,” he would say in response to questions I had sent along with family members who made the trip down from Chicago to Danville Correctional Center to surprise him.  Two-hour drive. Four-hour visit. Two days later.  “Just the same old stuff,” Anthony told me through his cousin, Rick Dear.  “Just another day cleaning outside the prison; picking up trash and taking out the garbage.”

A plum job, to be sure.  With a title.  Lawn and Grounds Specialist.  Status for a model inmate.  “I get to be outside and look at the cars as they drive by.”  A breath of fresh air.  A flirtation with freedom.  Or, perhaps, a cruel tease.

Anthony Dansberry spent Christmas in prison.  “Same old stuff,” he said.  “I ate turkey bologna, mashed potatoes, green peas and apple pie. The only thing that was special or different was the apple pie.  They don’t give us that around here.  Only on holidays.”

In Chicago, Anthony’s family gathered around the table for Christmas dinner to celebrate the moment.  His Aunt Bernice, who has been hospitalized, suffering with bone cancer, was able to come home for the day.  The family blessing offered by Anthony’s Aunt Ollie expressed hope that Anthony, too, would come home one day soon.

Anthony Dansberry spent Christmas in prison.  “Nothing special,” he said.  Not just this Christmas.  But every Christmas for the past 22 years on a 75-year sentence, paying for a crime he did not commit.  The death of 77-year-old Edna Abel resulting from a 1991 mugging.  There was a questionable confession — with limited reading skills, Anthony believed he was signing a form for his release from interrogation.  There were forensics that didn’t add up, dots that didn’t connect.  (A palm print proved not to be Anthony’s.)  And there was conflicted eyewitness testimony: Of the six eyewitnesses, only one was able to make a positive ID. Two of them said he wasn’t the one. The only witness called to testify appeared to have changed elements of her story by the time of trial.

Lawyers from Northwestern University’s Center on Wrongful Convictions argued all this before the Illinois Prison Review Board in 2010 and in the court of public opinion since then.  Hoping to persuade public officials that Anthony’s murder conviction was tragically flawed.  Hoping to add the public voice of support for their clemency petition awaiting decision by Gov. Pat Quinn — the only person now who might free the 50-year-old Anthony.  The last appeal.  The last hope for a man who has become something of a poster child for a broken criminal justice system.  One that can go terribly wrong even while trying to right a wrong.  One that blindly allows innocent people to languish in prison, while the guilty go free.

Anthony has been riding a roller-coaster-of-a-hope for the 14 years his case has been represented by CWC, led by co-director Jane Raley, attorney of record on the 2010 Prison Review Board brief; Margaret Soffrin, of counsel; investigator Susan Swanson, who brought the case to CWC in 2000; and former Northwestern law students Rami Fakhouri and Rachel Freyman, who worked on the brief.

Even this Christmas season was marked by the ups and the downs.

The upside.  Anthony, along with other DCC inmates, heard the local television report of Quinn’s Christmas Eve decision granting 179 clemency petitions.   Hope.   Even though names were not included in the TV report, it seemed to Anthony that the CWC work on his behalf finally had paid off.  Surely he was on the Christmas list.

The downside.  This past Saturday, Anthony heard from his Aunt Ollie, and cousin, Rick, that his name was not included.  But that was not the worst of it.  His attorney of record, his advocate, his champion, Jane Raley, had died.  On Christmas Day.  She had succumbed to cancer.

“His whole demeanor changed,” recalls Rick, 51, a film set builder and Studio Mechanics Union member. “He didn’t cry or shed a tear,” because, well, you don’t do that in prison.  But the impact was palpable.  “He looked as though he’d just been hit by a truck.”

True to form, though, according to those who know him best, Anthony put aside his own concern about clemency, about how his appeal would proceed. “It’s not about the release right now.”  He only expressed concern about Raley’s family.  “It’s not about me anymore because she sacrificed so much, she sacrificed being with her family to take time out for me and to be with me.”  Of all the lawyers on his case before CWC took it on, Raley had been “the only one I could trust, who didn’t lie or do anything for their own benefit,” he said.

“When some of the things didn’t go the way they were supposed to, she always kept trying and looking for something else.  She told me not to worry.  ‘We’re gonna do this’ or ‘I need to talk to this person,’” he recalled.  Or “‘I need to look into this thing.’”  Like Edna Abel’s purse that mysteriously had disappeared from evidence for awhile.  “‘I will get you an answer,’” Raley would tell Anthony.  “And she always answered my calls.”

In his Saturday conversation with family, Anthony wanted to know about funeral arrangements.  (Jan. 3.)  He wanted to reach out to Raley’s family.  Somehow.  To let members know how much he appreciated their sacrifice.  All the hours Raley had put into his case.  An innocent man racked with a sense of guilt over what proving his innocence had cost others.  All the quality time Raley had lost with her family.  Not just in working on legal representation.  But also the time she spent in guiding him through it all.  Giving him hope.  Encouragement.  No guarantees, she had advised.  But at least “a fighting chance” that one day he might be released.

On Sunday, the day after his family visit, Anthony told his cousin Rick by phone that he had not been able to sleep after they left.  He had begun to write a letter to Raley’s family.  He had sought help from a fellow inmate.  He needed that help.  The writing part.  That literacy problem again.  The one that had led him to sign a confession believing it was a release form.  Half his lifetime ago.

In the draft letter shared with me by Rick, Anthony expresses his deepest sympathy along with his appreciation for Raley’s “caring and loving spirit.”  He acknowledges that she went beyond “what other attorneys in situations would have done for their clients,” showing “patience” in going over his case with him repeatedly when he didn’t understand.  In the letter, which he writes was “as difficult for me to close as it was to open,” he expresses gratitude to Raley’s “loving family” who “shared her with me for as many years” as they did.

Somewhere between the words, though, is something even deeper than all of the very moving emotions.  There is the sense that Jane Raley still is counseling Anthony.  Assuring him.  Encouraging him not to give up.

Anthony has learned the power of the possibility.  Of hope.  Of believing in the unseen.  With little more than the inspiration of people he has come to trust.

He has not given up any of that.  Hope that the work and the sacrifices of people like Jane Raley still will pay off.  Hope that his appeal finally will be considered.  Hope that more petitions for clemency will be granted by Gov. Quinn before he leaves office on Jan. 12.

Hope that Anthony Dansberry has spent his last Christmas in prison.

 

Christopher Benson is a blogger for The Chicago Reporter.
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Filed Under: News

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